Statement by the President of the Government of Spain to provide an update on the Government's response to the events that have taken place in Ceuta since 30 July

SPEECH BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SPAIN, PEDRO SÁNCHEZ

Thank you, Madam President. Honourable Members, good morning. As the President has stated, I appear before you to report on the migration crisis affecting Ceuta and the solutions the Government is implementing.

I do so, naturally, with the people of Ceuta in mind, citizens who are going through a difficult time. I do so in memory of the 141 migrants who died at sea, many of whom were young people and children. I do so while expressing my gratitude, once again - and I will never tire of doing so - to the thousands of public servants who work tirelessly to overcome the various crises we have had to manage in recent years: the current migration crisis in Ceuta, the earlier one in the Canary Islands, and our responses to pandemics, DANAs and wildfires - which, regrettably, have once again devastated our country this year.

I would like to begin with a historical fact. All Spaniards recognise the sculptures of the two lions that flank the doors of this Parliament, the General Courts of Spain. What may not be so widely known to the general public is that these lions were cast in 1865 from cannons captured from Moroccan troops during the so-called African War. And which were held to commemorate the signing of the Treaty of Wad-Ras, which brought an end to this conflict and consolidated Spain's sovereignty over Ceuta and Melilla in perpetuity. Therefore, Honourable Members, I would like to begin with this message. Because these two cities have been Spanish for centuries. And since that treaty, they have been so by diplomatic agreement. And I can assure you that, as far as the Government of Spain is concerned, this will continue until the end of time.

But let us not delude ourselves, Honourable Members. Nor should we mislead the public. Because what is happening in Ceuta is something far more complex and multifaceted. We are facing a situation where numerous actors and interests converge, alongside various social, technological and geopolitical issues. I realise that this complexity baffles many people and irritates others who prefer to live in a world of slogans and simple headlines. But to deny or ignore it would be to do a disservice to the truth - and, by extension, to Ceuta and Spain. Therefore, neither in this appearance nor at any point since the crisis began have I done so, nor will I do so now.

Honourable members, We have dedicated this month - and I want the public to know this - to addressing the emergency and trying to understand it. To investigating and comprehending what happened; clearly, there are still many questions to analyse and many matters to clarify. But I would like to take this opportunity to share with all of you - and, above all, with the public - what we know as things stand today. And with absolute transparency. Just as we have always done. I shall begin with a reconstruction of the events.

First. Last July, there was an increase in the number of people swimming into the Autonomous City of Ceuta. Between 10 and 25 July, Honourable Members - please bear this figure in mind - an average of 37 visitors per day were recorded, a figure slightly higher than usual. From 25 July onwards, this number continued to rise, reaching 194 entries on the evening of 29 July. In other words, between the 10th and the 25th, Honourable Members, an average of 37 people swam across, and from the 25th onwards, that number continued to rise, reaching 194 arrivals on the night of 29 July, which, as you know, was the night before the mass influx. Both the Government of Spain and the Ceuta Government - in short, all the institutions of the State - naturally detected this increase and co-ordinated their efforts to tackle it, knowing full well, incidentally, that it was clearly a significant surge, but by no means unprecedented or exceptional, as I shall explain later, especially given the time of year in which it occurred.

Then, on the morning of 30 July, the situation changed radically and suddenly. Social media channels were flooded with messages and videos encouraging people to cross the border, often on the pretext that there was a ruling by the Spanish Supreme Court which, according to them, prevented so-called 'immediate returns'. At around 10 o'clock in the morning, large groups of young people were seen making their way towards the Autonomous City of Ceuta, either on foot or by car, from towns near the city. And, shortly afterwards, these same young people began to cross the Tarajal breakwater, most of them by swimming. To give you an idea, Honourable Members, four out of every five migrants actually entered via that route that day. Four out of every five migrants swam across the Tarajal breakwater.

Faced with this situation, the Spanish officers deployed at the border had to make a decision: to let the people through temporarily, or to try to hold them back by force on the narrow breakwater and out at sea - something that would probably have led to, most likely, an even greater tragedy than the one we witnessed on 30 and 31 July, with hundreds of drownings - as I mentioned earlier - including 141 young people, as well as boys and girls. Unfortunately, those drownings and deaths caused by crushing also occurred on 30 and 31 July. Therefore, what I wish to convey - to you, Honourable Members, and also to the Spanish citizens following this address - is that our officers had to make an operational decision within a matter of minutes. They had to choose between momentarily ensuring the border remained sealed or defending human life. They chose to defend human life; they chose the latter. And I believe this is very important. As President of the Government of Spain and as a Spanish citizen, I can say that they did the right thing. I think they did the wisest and bravest thing. Because, when faced with a threat, they chose to respond with humanity rather than barbarism. I also believe, without fear of being wrong, Honourable Members, that all Spaniards - or at least the vast majority of Spaniards, both men and women - are very proud of that decision.

Consequently, this exceptional situation continued until the evening, when the flow of people eased, and Spanish and Moroccan officials were able to close the border. By then, some 70,000 people had entered the Autonomous City of Ceuta irregularly. That was, of course, the most difficult moment of the crisis, and by then, the Government of Spain was already working on the initial stages of the emergency response, with two absolute priorities. The first was, of course, to reinforce the border with the neighbouring country. To this end, we deployed 250 additional officers from the National Police and the Civil Guard; we also mobilised the Armed Forces; we installed a 500-metre inflatable barrier at the Tarajal breakwater, the point where the majority of migrants had entered by swimming, and we deployed additional vessels, drones and helicopters. In short, Honourable Members, these measures helped to ensure that no further crossings took place in the days that followed.

Alongside that primary goal of reinforcing the borders, our second priority was to attend to and swiftly return those who had no right to remain in our country. To achieve this, we reinforced the immigration teams, increased the number of places in temporary accommodation, and established close coordination with the Moroccan authorities, without which it would have been legally and logistically impossible - and I want to emphasise that word, impossible - to achieve what happened a few hours later.

Within hours - in less than 24 hours - some 50,000 people had been returned. And 72 hours later, around 63,000 people had returned. In other words, more than 90 per cent of those who had crossed the border into Ceuta illegally during the crisis. So, more than 63,000 people - over 90 per cent - making this operation one of the fastest return processes ever carried out in recent European history; a fact acknowledged not by me, Honourable Members, but by the European Commission itself.

With the border stabilised, we clearly faced other threats - as you will recall from the events of 12 and 15 August and the chatter on social media. Ceuta entered a second phase where the nature of the crisis shifted, becoming what it is today: a humanitarian crisis and a management challenge within the city itself. Because there were hundreds of migrants sleeping rough, and because there were thousands of Ceuta residents who were unable to open their businesses, go to work, go shopping or walk through the streets as normal.

During this second phase, the Government took the following measures: We deployed 500 new police officers and Civil Guard officers to the city, bringing the total number of officers to 1,600. To put this in perspective, Honourable Members, the current number of Civil Guards and National Police officers in Ceuta is well above the national average. We increased the number of patrol cars and the number of channels for reporting incidents. And we reinforced the healthcare system with extended hours, separate care pathways and more than 100 additional professionals. This enabled us, for example, to cope with a peak of 1,200 visits in a single day and to do so, contrary to what we have seen on social media and, unfortunately, also in some so-called digital media outlets; contrary to what the hoaxes and misinformation claim, we did so without cancelling a single appointment or scheduled procedure for the people of Ceuta. Not a single one, ladies and gentlemen.

Whilst we were working to ensure the safety and rights of local residents, we mobilised a humanitarian aid package worth 7 million euros to assist migrants, a fact often highlighted by the head of the joint command, Ángel Víctor Torres, enabling us to provide thousands of meals and meal kits within hours to the migrants who had remained in the Spanish city of Ceuta.. As I said earlier, we mobilised that initial humanitarian aid package worth 7 million euros to assist migrants, and began expediting the procedures for assistance, screening and return.

At this point, Honourable Members, in order to understand this from the point of view of public opinion, it is worth digressing briefly to explain something clearly: you cannot simply grab a human being by the arm and throw them across the border as if they were a sack of dirt. Yet, that is the impression sometimes conveyed by the statements we have heard - not only from learned experts or media pundits but also, regrettably, from political figures; and I am convinced we will hear it again today from this rostrum. However, I wish to maintain - and I reaffirm this with conviction and absolute determination - that Spain is a great democracy. We are a social and democratic state governed by the rule of law, fully integrated into the European Union and the international community. This means that there is a body of laws and rights - set out in international treaties, EU law and the legislation that we ourselves enact in the General Courts - that we are bound to observe and faithfully uphold. We do so, of course, out of obligation. But we also do so out of conviction, empathy, and a sense of dignity. Because we believe they help to build a better world. And because we also want our own citizens to be protected by those same rights when they travel to other countries.

Therefore, acting in accordance with these safeguards does not make democracy a weaker system, as the reactionaries insinuate from their armchairs. Quite the opposite. A democracy is not made stronger by breaking the law to solve a problem; it is made stronger when it solves a problem without breaking the law and by faithfully upholding it. And doing so, Honourable Members, takes time. More than we would like, without a doubt, because before deporting a human being, we must verify who they are and where they come from. We must ensure they are not coming from a war-torn country where their life would be in danger. And, in the case of a minor, we must ensure there is a safe home for them to return to. That is why, during this second phase of the crisis, we have reinforced immigration teams with highly specialised personnel. We have set up new reception facilities by expanding the CETI and converting two schools, whilst mobilising extraordinary resources to care for minors. Incidentally, the care of minors falls under the jurisdiction of the Autonomous City of Ceuta as well as the autonomous communities; this has been the subject of much debate in the Cortes Generales, with some groups supporting such solidarity and others opposing it. Fortunately, we amended Article 35 of the Immigration Act and, as a result, the regional governments are now obliged - even if they do not wish to - to demonstrate this solidarity. I say this because we also provide financial resources to cover the care of minors who fall under the jurisdiction of the autonomous communities - in this case, the city of Ceuta.

We sought financial and institutional support from the European Commission -though we must admit that, at that time, Europe did not demonstrate the solidarity that I believe all Spaniards expected. Of course, Spain maintains that the European Union is, above all, about solidarity - whether in Lampedusa, Greenland, the Canary Islands or the Autonomous City of Ceuta. We also promoted the activation of solidarity mechanisms between regional governments in order, above all, to support Ceuta.

I believe this is how true patriotism is demonstrated, Honourable Members. Not by encouraging selfishness, a lack of solidarity - as we unfortunately see all too often - and conflict between regions. But rather by lending a hand when one part of the country, such as Ceuta, needs the support of the rest. I believe, Honourable Members, that just as with all the crises we have had to weather over the years - to which I referred earlier - unity and institutional loyalty are the key to enabling Ceuta and Spain to overcome this crisis and emerge from it stronger than before.

Nothing else will bring any good. And this is so, because Ceuta is not the border of Spain. Ceuta is Spain at the border. Let us remember that Ceuta and Melilla are the only physical border - not just for Spain, but for Europe as a whole - on the African continent. This naturally introduces a specific complexity which, given its nature, clearly needs to be addressed in a specific manner by all public institutions. That is why, on 25 August, we declared a Situation of National Security Interest - the first time this has been done in democracy - a mechanism that enables us to strengthen coordination between government departments under a single command and which, as I said earlier, had never been used before in democracy.

In fact, I would like to point out that in 2021 there was a migration crisis in Ceuta; in 2020 and 2021 there was also a migration crisis in the Canary Islands, with 23,000 people arriving in the Canary Islands in 2020; and 22,000 arriving in the Canary Islands in 2021. We did not use the single command structure; we did not activate this provision of the National Security Act. However, we did restore the single command structure that had been dismantled, weakened - indeed, rendered ineffective - by the previous administration, and this is the precedent, the set of precedents, that we have relied upon in successive migration crises our country has faced.

There will be people who quite rightly ask, 'Well, why did we do it on 25 August and not on 20 or 15 August?' I would like to point out that it was then, and not before, that it became necessary to take action beyond the purely security and immigration level, such as, for example, the economic nature of the crisis and also the health crisis. Or because that was when it became desirable to establish a forum for co-governance with the authorities - in this case, those in Ceuta - in which decisions could be taken regarding the strengthening of public services or the fitting out of temporary accommodation for migrants. We therefore set up the Single Command to assist us during the phase in which this was required.

Honourable Members, having reached this point, I believe that the public - and, naturally, you as their representatives - want us to answer three questions, and I think it is important to shed light on them. The first question is whether this crisis could have been avoided. The second question is what or who caused this mass crossing on 30 and 31 July. And the third question is what the government is doing or will do from now on.

And I would like to say to you, Honourable Members, that I intend to address all three issues with transparency, rigour and facts, debunking false claims and providing data so that every citizen can draw their own conclusions.

Let's start, then, with the first one. Whether or not this incident could have been prevented. And in this regard I want to explain a couple of things. Firstly, the Government took a number of measures as soon as the Supreme Court's judgement was handed down on 8 July. In other words, it reacted to the only real change. We responded to the only real change that took place in the migration landscape during that period. We stepped up maritime surveillance in the Tarajal area with 70 additional personnel. We deployed new vessels along the coastline, including, incidentally, an offshore vessel and a high-speed patrol boat. And by the way, we also began working on the design of physical containment structures that would allow poeple to be turned back at the border line in accordance with that new Supreme Court ruling. We also held working meetings with the Moroccan authorities to address this new situation, and we began to increase the capacity of the CETI so that it could accommodate people in the event of a potential rise in irregular migration flows at the border with the autonomous city of Ceuta. That is what we did. We responded to the only real change that took place in the migration landscape on 8 July following the Supreme Court's ruling.

And the second thing we did - which is also worth explaining - concerns whether the Government received extraordinary alerts or warnings in the days leading up to the crisis that anticipated what subsequently happened; the answer is clear: it did not. It did not. We have examined, honourable Members, all the reports, all the communications and verbal notes from the State law enforcement forces and agencies, as well as from our National Intelligence Centre, which were forwarded both to the political authorities and to the Government Delegation in the Autonomous City of Ceuta during that period. And I can assure you that none of them went beyond a description of the facts or a routine warning, and that none of them - certainly none in advance - indicated the scale or the likelihood of what ultimately happened.

It is worth stating this emphatically, Honourable Members, because in recent days there has obviously been a lot of noise regarding this matter, and many falsehoods that need to be debunked.

For example, it has been reported that Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, issued a warning a month earlier. This has been reported in the media and has also been widely echoed by those keen to spread such misinformation. This is not true. This is not true, Honourable Members, and I would like to make this clear to you and explain it to the public, because what Frontex did was produce a routine report setting out the increased viability of this migration route and the number of detections recorded during the quarter. It did not anticipate anything even remotely resembling what happened on 30 and 31 July.

It has also been reported that the National Police had warned a week earlier of a high risk in Ceuta. This is incorrect. Such a report did exist, but it dealt exclusively with maritime arrivals on the mainland and the Balearic Islands, not, therefore, at the Ceuta border.

It has been reported that the Ceuta Government alerted the Presidency of the Government of Spain on 27 July about what was going to happen. This is not true either. President Vivas haeld a brief telephone conversation with Moncloa Palace, during which he pointed out to us that the number of migrants swimming across, Honourable Members, had risen from 10 to 20 a day and that, at that rate, he was concerned we would end up with 200 more migrants in the city by the end of the week. He asked us to bring this matter to the attention of the Ministry of Home Affairs, which is exactly what we did, Honourable Members, immediately, as was only proper. In fact, that same day, the police in Ceuta sent a form - or rather, a notification of significant events - to the National Police; it reported the ongoing increase in swim crossings but did not provide any forward-looking warning.

As for the work of the CNI, I would note that, in the month leading up to the crossing, the CNI drew up two situation reports which it shared with various institutions; both reports described something that was already known to all of them: that crossings via the breakwater were on the rise, and therefore made the recommendation that extreme caution be exercised.

Then, on 29 July, a few hours before the crisis, a message was exchanged between the Government Delegation in Ceuta and the Civil Guard, alerting them to a call circulating on social media to attempt a crossing into Ceuta the following day. That is where the famous figure of 180,000 people comes from; however, it is important to understand that this figure was not a prediction by the National Intelligence Centre regarding how many people would actually cross - it was simply the number of members in the Facebook group where the call was circulating.

It is also worth noting, Honourable Members, that such calls to action on social media are not exceptional. In fact, references to similar calls appear in three of the last seven reports produced by the CNI over the past year.

And finally, Honourable Members, it is worth noting that the uptick in crossings via the breakwater observed during the week prior to the mass crossing was by no means exceptional. Indeed, when we consider both successful entries and interceptions, we see a recurring seasonal pattern that is also thoroughly documented. Consequently, attempts to swim ashore in Ceuta increase every year between June and July. And this happens precisely because weather conditions improve along that stretch of the coast. For example, to give you an idea, Honourable Members, in 2024 the number of attempts rose from 400 in June to 3,900 in August - the majority of which, incidentally, were intercepted by Morocco. And the same thing happened on 25 July this year, with a rise from 700 in June to 2,800 in August - or rather, this also refers to 2024.

In July 2026, the figures were evidently higher, yet they showed no sign of the linear or exponential growth pattern that might have foreshadowed the events of 30 July and 31 July. Indeed, as I mentioned at the start, not even the Ceuta authorities themselves considered this possibility; nor did any think tank, NGO, media outlet or intelligence service from any of Spain's allied nations.

Finally, there are the briefing notes prepared by the National Immigration and Borders Centre (CENIF). These notes have sparked considerable media speculation, so please allow me to discuss them briefly.

CENIF is a unit under the National Police that produces two types of documents. On one hand, it prepares briefing notes that are issued on an ad-hoc basis and generally circulate only among the centre's own staff. It also produces a weekly report which is sent every Thursday to the Ministry of Home Affairs.

In the days leading up to the crossing, this centre - which is part of the National Police force, the CENIF - issued two statements: on 28 July and 29 July. The report dated 28 July provides a detailed analysis of the situation, concluding that while social media activity is not cause for concern, favourable sea conditions suggest - and I quote verbatim - "an increase" - and I emphasize the word "gradual" - "a gradual increase in attempts to gain access via the breakwaters." The report of 29 July speaks - and I quote verbatim - "of a potential risk of irregular entries into the autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla", coinciding, naturally, with the celebration of Throne Day on 30 July, Morocco's National Day, as you, Residents Abroad, are aware, as well as 10 August, Loyalty Day, 14 August, and the Day of the People's Revolution on 20 August.

Attached to that note is a table of scenarios in which a high probability is attributed to further incidents of people swimming ashore, but with - and I quote - a "low to medium" impact, whilst it assigns - and I quote again - a "medium to low" probability to a coordinated attempt involving people swimming ashore and scaling the fence.

The CENIF memo itself, Honourable members, states - and I quote again - that "it cannot be guaranteed that this will occur". It further notes that should significant developments arise, new information memos would be issued, and that - quoting again - "this information is being relayed exclusively to the border posts".

Consequently, based on this memo, a series of alerts were issued to border posts. The first was on 29 July at 9.09 pm, and the subsequent ones took place on 30 and 31 July, by which time the mass influx had already occurred.

The Government, therefore, Honourable Members, has nothing to hide in this matter. So much so that I have ordered the publication of a dossier containing all the reports - every single one - so that the media and the public can examine them. On their own and for themselves. Therefore, absolute, absolute transparency, and the publication of all documents so that the full truth about this matter can be established.

Therefore, Honourable Members, let us speak precisely and frankly: for it is one thing to notice that swim crossings were on the rise, something all our institutions recognised, and a task we immediately set about addressing. But it is quite another to claim that we should have taken extreme precautions to anticipate, within a matter of hours, the arrival of 70,000 people in Ceuta. That, Honourable Members, is something no report predicted - at least none that ever reached the hands of the Government of Spain.

And stating this, I should add, is not a way of shirking our responsibility or casting blame on any agency, Honourable Members. To say this is to speak the truth; it is to acknowledge the exceptional nature of what we experienced on 30 and 31 July. It goes without saying that we need to improve and strengthen our capabilities, because it is clear that new technologies and social media are giving rise to new hybrid threats that we, as states, have yet to learn how to detect and neutralise. And if I may make an observation: It is absurd to think that the Government was warned and deliberately did nothing, as leaders of the People's Party and Vox have openly claimed. How can anyone possibly believe that, Honourable Members? I put the question to the citizens as well. To believe that is to disbelieve the National Police, the Civil Guard, and the hundreds of public servants who work to defend our border.

Honourable members, the relevant authorities took action as soon as the threat materialised, and we did so using all the resources at our disposal. These services were, understandably, overwhelmed by the scale of the situation, and we clearly need to strengthen them in order to prevent and anticipate the kind of migration crises currently afflicting the Autonomous City of Ceuta. I will explain shortly how we are doing this, but first, I would like to address the second question I mentioned earlier - one that is also dominating much of the public discourse.

Namely: what triggered the crossing? From day one, our discussion forums and social media were flooded with comments pointing the finger at Morocco. I acknowledge that.

It is evident that Morocco is our southern border and that it plays a key role in managing migration flows into our country. And, by the way, over the course of this month we have heard two of your ministers make unacceptable statements about Ceuta and Melilla. Two statements - Honourable Members - that we have, of course, categorically rejected, and regarding which, I wish to inform you, we summoned the Moroccan ambassador on 21 August.

But in this case, Honourable Members, we must be cautious and avoid simplistic explanations, because, after all, we have spent a whole month gathering information, cross-checking data and interviewing officers who were on the ground.

What is clear to us is that this is not a simple, linear event, where A led to B. Rather, we are dealing with a phenomenon with many underlying causes, involving various actors and factors that fed into one another, probably not in a coordinated manner. It remains to be seen whether it was planned; regardless, the outcome was unforeseeable for everyone, including, perhaps, for them.

Specifically, Honourable members, the evidence points to a combination of factors which I would like to raise once again - as I did in my first statement, when I visited the Autonomous City of Ceuta on 31 July.

A key development - something which, in the view of the Moroccan authorities, is changing the migration situation - is the Supreme Court's ruling on the non-application of Additional Provision 10 of the Aliens Act to entries by sea. It was issued in early July.

As you will recall, as mentioned earlier, on 8 July the ruling was progressively distorted on social media platforms like Facebook, Instagram and TikTok, eventually morphing into two specific rumours. Two rumours: the first was that the border was open, and the second was that anyone who swam across could not be sent back by the Spanish authorities.

Secondly, these rumours mobilised people via those same social networks and messaging apps such as WhatsApp, Telegram and Discord. This began on a small scale on July 28 but became massive from July 29 onwards, as thousands of users began discussing entry into Ceuta, sharing maps, dates, and routes while omitting or breaking up keywords to circumvent those controls.

Some analyses have identified what are known as - if I may use this jargon - 'soft indicators of coordination' within these calls to action. But to date, none - not a single one, Honourable Members - has been able to determine whether the social media accounts behind them were actually linked to Moroccan social protest movements or also to the Moroccan, Russian or Israeli governments.

For the time being, Honourable Members, this has been ruled out by our intelligence services. I say 'for the time being' because that is the information we have so far. What does seem clear is that organised crime networks and profiteers exploited and fuelled the situation to sell equipment and crossing-assistance services.

It also appears that, from midday on Thursday 30 July, numerous disinformation campaigns joined in, amplifying the crisis with fake images and distorted testimonies; it is reasonable to assume a feedback loop occurred regarding the crossings throughout the afternoon. Always, of course, with the aim of exacerbating the problem, thereby undermining confidence in the institutions - or, rather, the confidence of citizens in Spanish institutions and also in European institutions.

In fact, Honourable Members, the European External Action Service, which reports to the European Commission, has documented the involvement of accounts and publications linked to Russian and pro-Israeli information ecosystems, which were also joined by certain prominent figures - unfortunately from the international far right. And I regret to say, from the Spanish far-right as well; they seized upon the tragedy to stoke fear - fear and hatred.

This is nothing new, Honourable Members, for it was done during the COVID-19 pandemic. Let us recall, after all, those calls to defy lockdown orders at the height of the pandemic. They did it during the DANA storms. Let us recall that infamous garage and the bodies found tin that parking facility. And they've done it again now - every time a crisis arises.

There is also the international far-right movement, and, naturally, the Spanish far-right, which forms part of it. They've done it again. This is not an opinion; it is a proven fact. And it is yet another example of the treacherous jingoism of these political forces, which always attack Spain when Spain is in trouble.

But anyway, as things stand today, Honourable Members... As things stand today, it is impossible to say whether any one of these factors would have triggered this crisis on its own.

And to do so would require us to construct a counterfactual scenario that nobody can construct, Honourable Members, because what we can say for certain is that, taken together, these factors served to accelerate and facilitate a fundamental factor that was already present, namely the desire to emigrate. I know this may seem obvious, but it is also worth remembering - and the people of Ceuta know this well, as do the people of the Canary Islands, and those citizens who live on the front line know it all too well. It is worth remembering because the Tarajal pier and the Melilla fence separate Europe - and Spain - from Africa.

We must remember that poverty, inequality, and the lack of opportunities on the other side are - unfortunately - steadily increasing and are an essential part of the equation, no matter how distant or unrelated they may seem to us. This brings me, Honourable Members, to the other country involved in this crisis in Morocco.

Look, I know that a lot of people think the Moroccan authorities brought about this crisis. And as I mentioned earlier, I understand why; I am well aware of the doubts, the indications, and the questions hanging in the air-indeed: I acknowledge them all. However, Honourable Members, as President of the Government of Spain, it is my duty to manage this crisis with rigour and prudence - and I repeat, with rigour and prudence.

Yes, by defending the public interest, defending the interests of the Spanish people, and making decisions based on evidence - on evidence, and not on unverified suspicions or prejudices, which do exist, nor, of course, on partisan interests. Because there are steps which, once taken, cannot be undone, of course.

In short, hearing a former President of the Government of Spain - who did not visit the Autonomous City of Ceuta whilst in office - defend Operation Perejil this summer is the exact opposite of what I wish to do as President of the Government of Spain.

In any case, Honourable Members, the fact of the matter is that, to date, no one has provided the Government with evidence that would lead to the conclusion that this mass influx into the Spanish city of Ceuta was planned or carried out by the Moroccan authorities. Regarding Morocco's conduct - and I am aware that for some, even before the events of 30 and 31 July, there were indeed people who knew about it; we will discuss that throughout this morning's debate -

In any case, Honourable Members, Morocco's conduct during the crisis unfolded in three distinct phases. First, the period prior to 30 July, when operations in Morocco ran smoothly and no incidents were reported. A second phase, spanning the ten-hour period in the middle of the day on 30 July, when the Moroccan Gendarmerie allowed people to cross the border. And finally, a third phase during the days and weeks that followed, when the Gendarmerie controlled the border - effectively, I might add.

Let us recall 12 August and 15 August, when hundreds of arrests were made, thousands of illegal crossings were prevented and the process of returning people was decisively facilitated. I reiterate: 90% of the returns from 30 and 31 July took place in the hours following the crisis; and, as we have stated repeatedly, voluntary repatriations - voluntary returns - have continued since 10 August, involving more than 3,300 people.

What exactly caused the lack of control during the central hours of Thursday 30 July? This is a matter that must be resolved - specifically, whether it was a case of incapacity or inaction. This is something that needs to be clarified. And, as you are no doubt aware, the State law enforcement forces and agencies, our intelligence services, and even the judicial system are involved in this process. Well, I am convinced that they will uncover all the key details.

But I must stress, honourable Members, to reassure the public, and regardless of the fact that we will make all reports public so it is clear we have no issue sharing all that information - that as of today, as I said earlier, I can assure you that none of these institutions - neither the diplomatic service, nor the European Commission, nor any international body - has provided the Government of Spain with solid evidence that Morocco planned or carried out this incident. None whatsoever. But, anyway, all the relevant state agencies are investigating the matter.

As you know, the issue is also the subject of judicial proceedings, and you may rest assured that we will share whatever is discovered with complete transparency, just as we have always done. And, incidentally, if such solid evidence were to exist, we would act accordingly with the utmost decisiveness, as the situation demands, for I humbly believe that even the opposition - and indeed citizens who do not vote for the progressive coalition government - would acknowledge one thing about us: this Government is not afraid to stand up to foreign powers when the situation requires it.

But, Honourable Members, we will work - we will work just as we have always acted - grounded in proven, verified facts. That is what others do.

Yes, indeed. I recall - we have discussed the Iran issue here at length, and we have also recalled what happened over twenty years ago during the Iraq War. There were others who led us into an illegal war based on false evidence.

So, what is being proposed? What is the proposal? We, for our part, Honourable Members, will always act as we have done: grounded in proven facts and - as it could not be otherwise - with absolute confidence in our State law enforcement forces and agencies and our intelligence services. They are the ones who will shed light on the matter and help us understand what happened, so that we may be better prepared and ensure it does not happen again on such a scale.

Meanwhile, Honourable Members, the Government will continue to work to resolve the crisis in Ceuta and to better prepare the Spanish State. And we will do this by making progress on five priority areas, which I would like to share with all of you, Honourable Members, and, of course, with the members of the public who are following this address.

The first step, once again - as we have been doing since 2018 - is to strengthen our border. I stated this in one of my previous addresses. Since taking office, we have increased the budget for modernising the entire length of the borders in Ceuta and Melilla, with an investment of 77 million euros. We have allocated another 100 million euros for both borders; essentially, we are talking about a total reinforcement of nearly 180 million euros to continue strengthening - as we have already done - the borders of the autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla.

Specifically regarding Ceuta, our aim - following the approach taken in 2021 - is to extend the Tarajal and Benzú breakwaters, build a permanent maritime containment system, expand the Civil Guard's Integrated External Surveillance System, install a new network of specialised cameras and drones, and acquire new vessels and underwater intervention equipment.

I would like to make a brief digression here, Honourable Members, because there has been considerable discussion - and criticism from certain parliamentary groups - regarding the Government's stance that the NATO budget should not merely represent 2% of Gross Domestic Product - as we have committed to - but rather 5%. This is something that both the People's Party and Vox criticise us for. One of the arguments I put forward from this platform, Honourable Members, both to you and to the Spanish public, is that the threat facing Spain - and Southern Europe - differs in nature from the threat facing the Eastern Flank.

It does not detract from the seriousness of the situation on the Eastern Flank. Let us consider a military threat - a 'classic' one, so to speak - involving an invasion of Ukrainian territory; yet the threat, the challenge facing Spain and Southern Europe, requires us to focus not so much on investment in defence, but on security in order to counter such hybrid attacks. That is why, Honourable Members, we spoke at length about the need to strengthen cybersecurity in our country after many years of cutbacks - many years of cutbacks.

I would like to point out that the CNI, for example, had a budget of 280 million euros when we came to power in 2018, and today its budget stands at over 440 million euros. I would also note that we have approved over 2 billion euros in funding - including more than 300 million euros for the National Cryptologic Centre, which operates under the CNI - specifically to strengthen cybersecurity capabilities. Logically, this is what would have enabled us to be better prepared for hybrid attack threats, such as the one experienced on 30 and 31 July at our border in Africa - specifically, the autonomous city of Ceuta.

Therefore, my point is that the Government has been working for some time to strengthen these capabilities, just as we are working - as I mentioned earlier - to reinforce our border in Ceuta. I know that, unfortunately, we cannot guarantee 100% security for those borders. Why? Because, ultimately, behind them lie inequality and the search for opportunities; and evidently, no matter how high that border is, that reality will always exist.

That is why I believe it is crucial - in the face of, regrettably, reactionary rhetoric, a regression involving a lack of respect for international law, withdrawals from multilateral organisations like the World Health Organisation, and massive cuts to development aid, as the PP and Vox governments are unfortunately doing in the autonomous communities and municipalities where they hold power -

that this government, of course, guarantees reaching the target of 0.7% of our gross national income by the end of this decade, precisely because we also need to help these countries improve their prospects for economic growth. We will do this; and we also need to understand, logically, why CENIF did not forward the information memo dated 29 July to any superior in the National Police's chain of command or to the Ministry of Home Affairs. Why was the content of a report - commissioned, in this instance, by a judge and carrying potential implications for state security - not shared with their superiors and the Government of Spain? This, too, will have to be explained, Honourable Members. And we will also call for a permanent Frontex presence to be established at the port and on the breakwater. We will request that Europol create a specific mission - precisely to monitor irregular migration in the Autonomous City of Ceuta - so that this European border ultimately receives the European support it deserves. And finally, as I mentioned earlier, we are obviously reviewing all the alert coordination mechanisms shared with the Moroccan state and establishing additional safeguards to ensure that the situation experienced on 30 July does not happen again. Honourable members, we must continue to cooperate with Morocco. We seek good neighbourly relations with Morocco. I believe that this is in the general interest and, therefore, in the interests of the Spanish people, including those in the Autonomous Cities of Ceuta and Melilla. But it is clear that, in the wake of what has happened, that cooperation must be different.

The second area we are working on aims to expand the State's capacity to handle extraordinary migration events. Honourable Members, as I explained earlier, we are expanding our temporary reception facilities to get people off the streets - specifically those who remained on the streets following the crisis. I would like to remind you of the figures, Honourable Members In Ceuta, there were 500 such places - a number we had, incidentally, already increased compared to the previous administration back in 2018. In less than a month, we have gone from 500 active places to an additional 3,500, and we have already secured the land and resources to double that number in the coming days and weeks. Furthermore, alongside this expansion of State capacity...

As regards temporary reception places, we are accelerating the processing of both returns and transfers, with the aim of minimising the time migrants must spend in the Autonomous City of Ceuta - always within the framework of the law. Let us remember, Honourable Members, that in a similar episode back in 2021, there were, unfortunately, court rulings. There was a ruling that disqualified a Vice President of the Ceuta Government and a Government Delegate from my administration from holding public office.

The third step we are taking is to redouble our support for the economy, public services, and the population of the Autonomous City of Ceuta. This is nothing new, Honourable Members, because we have been doing this ever since I had the honour of becoming President of the Government of Spain, with, for example, a socio-economic plan that we approved back in 2021 or 2022, with a budget of over 350 million euros. Over 80% of the more than 60 milestones have already been met, demonstrating, through data and financial resources, our commitment to this Spanish city. But in any case, as you know, last Tuesday the Council of Ministers approved an initial package comprising an extraordinary allocation of 309 million euros to be rolled out over the remaining months until 31 December, comprising both grants and investments. I am talking about no less than 16% of Ceuta's gross domestic product. Let me repeat: 16%. This support includes direct payments and tax relief for the self-employed. And, of course, support schemes for business owners, workers and the self-employed. They have, of course, been affected by this crisis; furthermore, we are making resources available to bolster security, improve critical infrastructure, and expand public services in healthcare, education and the justice system.

The Government is now working with the local authorities in Ceuta to design an extraordinary expansion of the Ceuta Plan - previously referred to - which we expect to approve in the coming weeks; this will allocate at least another 100 million euros, in addition to the existing 305 million, to fund structural measures that ensure a prosperous and secure future for the city.

On many occasions, the people of Ceuta feel that it is not the present but the future that causes them the greatest anxiety, because they see many young people leaving the Autonomous City of Ceuta to emigrate. Clearly, this is a structural phenomenon - one that occurs not only in Ceuta or Melilla but is particularly acute there. Therefore, as I have discussed many times - including with President Vivas - we must diversify the sources of Ceuta's economic growth. In doing so, we can guarantee the prosperity and opportunities needed for people to stay in Ceuta rather than leave.

Honourable Members, I believe that over the past eight years this Government has had - as I said at the start of my speech - to deal with many emergencies. Naturally, we have had our successes and our failures, just like anyone else; yet no one can deny that we responded to every one of these crises and emergencies by mobilising all the State's resources to help the people - ordinary citizens. Others bailed out banks. We, however, use these resources to lend a hand to SMEs, the self-employed and households.

And furthermore, Honourable Members, we do so by facing the situation head-on. Because throughout this month - and I am not referring only to the appearances by ministers this week and last... Throughout this month, numerous members of the Government of Spain have visited Ceuta, including secretaries of state, ministers and Vice-presidents, and I myself,to see the situation first-hand and to speak openly and face-to-face with Ceuta's authorities, as well as with its businesses and society as a whole. And, naturally, to show our support and empathy, because we know that at this time Ceuta needs the State's backing more than ever.

For that very reason, the Government agreed on the need for the Head of State - following a twenty-year absence of such visits - to travel to Ceuta and Melilla in the coming weeks and convey the Spanish State's absolute commitment to these two autonomous cities.

The fourth area we are working on is perhaps the least obvious, yet I believe it is the most essential: reinforcing Europe's presence in Ceuta and Melilla. For I believe, Honourable Members, that back in 1986 - when Spain joined what is now the European Union - we lacked ambition. Looking back - and I say this not as a reproach, but with the benefit of hindsight - we lacked ambition; I believe we could have done things a little better, especially regarding the emotional aspect, which evidently feels undermined today as a result of this crisis. For instance, we allowed two of Spain's autonomous cities - Ceuta and Melilla - to remain outside the Customs Union, and we excluded them from many EU bodies and regulations; this was done partly to preserve the territories' special tax regimes and avoid diplomatic friction. That is the reality - it has been acknowledged - and it was done to facilitate Spain's accession to what is now the European Union.

However, I believe that after all these decades of membership in the European Union, the time has come to remedy this lack of ambition and achieve the full integration of our autonomous cities into the European Union. And to promote this, we are going to offer their governments a permanent seat on the Committee of the Regions. I am grateful that this is also being acknowledged by the People's Party, because they - who have been in power in Spain for so long - never did so. It is finally going to happen. Not only will we offer their governments a permanent seat on the Committee of the Regions, but we are also going to propose that they join the Customs Union with a view to securing a favourable tax regime, as was achieved, Minister Ángel Víctor Torres, in the Canary Islands. And we will ask Brussels to recognise their status as an Outermost Region - something that I believe brings numerous advantages and is important for the citizens.

Therefore, our ambition is to rectify that lack of ambition from the past - and I do not criticise it; there were contextual reasons in 1986 that explain what happened. But let us make up for that lack of ambition with our own ambition, so that Ceuta and Melilla become more fully integrated into the European Union and so that Brussels understands that these territories are not merely a border problem it must endure. I would emphasise that these are the only two land borders that Europe and Spain have in Africa; they are not merely an integral part of Europe's past, but also of its future, and as such must be recognised and treated as such.

There is one final area we will work on - and I want to speak about it because I believe it is also essential - which is maintaining, sustaining and strengthening our migration policy. As I said earlier, in 2018, Honourable Members, when I had the honour of being elected President of the Government of Spain following a motion of no confidence, we faced the first migration crisis of my time leading the government. A migration crisis originating in Senegal and mainly heading for the Canary Islands. And then I realised - we all realised; I also recall Ángel Víctor Torres himself - we realised that the 'single command' system did not exist, that it had indeed been set up by a socialist government before Mr Rajoy came to power, and that it was dismantled for reasons unknown to us, so what we intend to do now is maintain and strengthen that migration policy.

Because if the events of this month have shown us anything, Honourable Members, when viewed from the perspective of the country as a whole, it is that the public migration policy being implemented by this government is more necessary than ever. As you know, the progressive coalition government has for years been implementing a comprehensive migration policy that, first and foremost, combats the criminal rings and networks that traffic in human beings, while simultaneously committing to improving legal migration channels - since we do indeed need labour, as businesses are requesting - and reinforcing cooperation. As I mentioned earlier, this involves measures such as cooperation policies and instruments like the Africa Alliance and the Strategic Plan for Africa - approved recently - which focus particularly on our area of interest: West Africa. In short, it means strengthening cooperation with the countries of origin and transit for this migration.

And I must tell you, Honourable Members, and I also wish to remind the citizens of Spain of these figures - that this model is working; it is working. Look: in 2025, unauthorised entries dropped by 42.6% compared to 2024, and so far this year, they have fallen by another 9.4% compared to the same period last year. Consequently, Honourable Members, Spain currently has the second least porous border in Europe. It lags far behind the Central Mediterranean route - which leads, for instance, to Italy - and the Eastern Flank route, which clearly faces a very different geopolitical situation due to the war in Ukraine and the instrumentalisation of migration by Belarus against countries such as Lithuania and Poland. Therefore, what I mean to convey, Honourable Members, is that the events in Ceuta do not call the model into question. On the contrary, they demonstrate that the previous model - the one in place until 2018, and which still persists in much of Europe - is failing. We cannot simply allow the problem to pile up on the other side of the border, only to become angry when countries with fewer resources than ours are unable to contain the very migration flows that they, too, are grappling with.

We must understand, once and for all, that poverty, desperation, political conflict and civil wars - often occurring outside the framework of international law - generate forces that no wall can hold back indefinitely. It does not work on the southern border of the United States, nor in Eastern Europe, and it will not work in North Africa - a region where, incidentally, the world's greatest inequality is concentrated. To give you an idea, Honourable Members, regarding the autonomous city of Ceuta, the per capita income on the Spanish side of the border is eight times higher than on the other - eight times higher. This is a structural problem, and it must be addressed as such. We could build a wall ten metres high - or a hundred metres, if you wish, as some propose - but if that misery and poverty persist and grow on the other side, there will always be someone willing to climb a taller ladder, dig a tunnel, or take to the sea to cross - often at the cost of human lives, including those of children, as we tragically witnessed on 30 and 31 July. It is a tragedy whose full gravity, I feel, was not reflected in the statements made by many political leaders in our country following those events.

That is why we must, of course, strengthen our physical border. As I mentioned earlier, we've been doing this since 2018. A total of 180 million euros is being invested to modernise the border perimeters of the autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla. We will certainly continue to do so, and that is why we must, of course, optimise our surveillance systems and our cooperation with Morocco - building on a foundation of credibility and trust. Yet, we must also provide a real, legal alternative for those who wish to come and work in our country - people whom we also need Because, as we have discussed on many occasions, Spain faces a demographic challenge - a "demographic winter" - much like other Western societies; clearly, we must address this through family policies, just as the Government of Spain is doing. Let us recall that during this term, we have expanded and equalised maternity and paternity leave; yet, we evidently need to do much more if we wish to guarantee the prosperity and funding of our welfare state. In short, our pensioners' pensions, our children's education, and the universal public healthcare system we have in our country. We must be capable of welcoming those fleeing war - much as other countries did for us, such as Mexico during our Civil War and the long years of dictatorship. In doing so, we naturally honour the memory of our grandparents.

And we must also help a continent like Africa to develop, progress and prosper. Simply shutting down cooperation agencies, withdrawing from multilateral bodies, and slashing cooperation policies-as the People's Party and VOX are doing wherever they govern - will not reduce migratory pressure; on the contrary, Honourable Members, it will only increase it. Make no mistake: for every euro cut from cooperation, we will ultimately end up spending ten more on border control and funerals.

That is why our model is different; our model is different. Ours is not a model based on fear, nor the one propagated by reactionaries. Nor is it one of naivety. It is a model based on science, humanity and solidarity. It may not be very popular - unfortunately - in the ultra-conservative Europe we live in today. But we are convinced that it is the right path, and that it works. The data proves it. We are among Europe's more porous, and therefore more secure, borders when it comes to the influx of irregular migration from Africa. And we will not abandon it.

And I also want to tell you that we will always stand by Ceuta. As I have said before, this Government has always stepped up to the plate in the face of crises. We will not stop doing so now. And in that regard, Madam President, Honourable Members, allow me to address my final words in this initial statement directly to the citizens of Ceuta. Because I am well aware - as I also said on 31 July - that you are going through difficult times, and that you have experienced both fear and distress. That when you've gone out onto the street, you've found it hard to recognise your neighbourhood and lead a normal life.

I also know that most of you are tolerant, compassionate people who have felt sympathy for the 141 migrants who lost their lives a month ago and for those who are, unfortunately, stranded on your beaches. I know this because many of you have gone out of your way to help them through the worst of the crisis. You have voluntarily taken in unaccompanied minors. The work being carried out by many residents' associations in many of these neighbourhoods is commendable. You have distributed food and clothing to the most vulnerable. You let them shower in your homes and call their loved ones from your mobile phones. All in all, I know that most of you are responding to this exceptional situation with patience and a level of empathy which, let's face it, would be hard to find elsewhere.

And I know that, so far, the response from the authorities has not been enough. It will never be enough - I realise that - until things return to normal.

And as President of the Government of Spain, I can assure you of three things. The first is that the Government will always address you with complete and absolute honesty. We are not going to promote or promise magic solutions, as others do. You, especially the people of Ceuta and Melilla, know full well - you know better than anyone else what life is really like in your cities. You know what lies on the other side of the border. You are aware that many of those now visiting Ceuta had never been here before, and they did not give you a thought when they were in power and had the opportunity - however small - to do something or lend a hand.

I want to assure the citizens of Ceuta that the situation will undoubtedly improve; the problem will be resolved. I have no doubt that, just as happened in the Canary Islands, Ceuta will emerge stronger from this ordeal.

The second thing I can assure the people of Ceuta is that we are using all the resources at our disposal to help Ceuta and that we will make many more available - as many as are necessary - until normality and peace of mind are restored as soon as possible.

To recap, let me share a few figures. Since 10 August, we have relocated 3,300 migrants and repatriated 3,658 migrants. It is worth noting that 90% of them - nine out of ten - left in the hours and days following 30 and 31 July; in the last week alone, we have moved 1,530 people off the streets through reception, returns and expulsions. And over the next two weeks we aim to move at least another 1,500 people, which should prevent - or rather, substantially alleviate - the situation in the city.

Regarding financial aid, our goal is for applications to be processed within ten days of becoming available, with payments beginning no later than 6 October.

In short, these are the timeframes we are working with. I know this is not as fast as you - the citizens of Ceuta - would like.

Unfortunately, we are working with the resources available to us, and there are processes that cannot be rushed because, clearly, we have legislation that specifically protects those rights. But things are moving forward - moving in the right direction - and I can assure you that we will not stop until your normal lives are restored and Ceuta emerges stronger than it was before this crisis.

In fact, the final message I wish to convey to the citizens of Ceuta is a guarantee that we will not forget you - not even once this phase has been overcome. This government will never relinquish Spanish sovereignty over Ceuta and Melilla, because we are clear about the history of these cities, but above all because we are clear about their future. That is why we have invested more in these territories than any other government in the history of Spanish democracy: 577 million euros - double the amount transferred by Mr. Rajoy's administration. And that is why we will not stop working until Ceuta emerges from its difficult situation - emerging stronger, more prosperous and more integrated with the rest of Spain and the European Union. It will not be easy, Honourable Members. It never is, but we will succeed once again. That is our commitment. That is our task, that is our conviction, and we will achieve it once again.

That's all. And thank you very much, Madam President.

(Transcript edited by the State Secretariat for Communication)