Brussels (Belgium)
SPEECH BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SPAIN, PEDRO SÁNCHEZ
Good afternoon and thank you to the media for attending this traditional press conference following the European Council meetings. As usual, I would also like to thank Marcos, the Ambassador, and the entire team for their ongoing work in ensuring that Spain's position is reflected in the conclusions and that we can influence the direction of the debates-important debates that we have had over the past day and a half in Brussels.
A Council meeting which, as I said yesterday, covered a great many issues and was very intensive.
We discussed the Middle East, and also the evolution of the war in Ukraine, welcoming the opening of the enlargement process with Ukraine's Cluster 1 entry into the European Union.
We discussed security, defence, global economic challenges and the multiannual financial framework. To ensure that members of the public who are listening to or watching this press conference and who are not very familiar with the terminology used in Brussels can understand us, we are talking about the EU budget - the European budget.
In short, in all these matters, Spain, as is its custom, has been clear and constructive. Europe does not need to take a step backwards in values and principles. What it needs is to take a step forward in integration.
Regarding foreign policy, the agreement between the United States and Iran was a major focus of our conclusions when we discussed the Middle East. Of course, we welcome the fact that this war has come to an end, not least because the toll of the war in the Middle East has been devastating. It should be remembered that more than 7,000 people have died, including American soldiers who lost their lives under the bombs in the region. More than 4 million people have been displaced and forced to abandon their homes.
And here in Europe, the cost of our fossil fuel imports has risen by 500 million euros a day, whilst fertilisers - which are extremely important, particularly now that the growing season is beginning - have seen price rises of over 20 per cent. Let us remember that international organisations also estimated pre-war economic growth to be 0.5 per cent higher than it is today. On the other hand, there are estimates that put the total cost of this war - which, unfortunately, began a few months ago - at 600 billion dollars.
Hopefully, from Spain's perspective, we are at the beginning of the end of a conflict that should never have occurred. Hopefully, because we Europeans must certainly do everything in our power to consolidate this peace. And that is why we advocate for a much more significant role in the Middle East. And that also means taking a consistent stance on other crises, such as, for example, the crisis in Gaza or the situation in Palestine as a whole. And it is also something that affects us Spaniards deeply, because we have troops deployed under the United Nations flag in Lebanon.
That, therefore, requires us to work with our partners in the region. It calls for tackling the root causes of the problems. And in this regard, I want to be very clear. The scorched-earth policy, indiscriminate violence, the systematic violation and contempt for human rights and international law, both in Lebanon and in Palestine, do not contribute to anyone's security. Of course, they do not contribute to the security of a people whom we love and cherish, namely the people of Israel.
And so these abuses must therefore end once and for all.
That is why our country has once again taken a firm and consistent stance in this Council: to press ahead with the implementation of the two-state solution, to suspend the partial association agreement with Israel, and to impose sanctions on those who advocate genocide. And also, of course, to ban trade in products manufactured or produced in the illegal settlements being established in the West Bank.
In defence of these very same values, we have expressed our full solidarity, our support and our commitment to Ukraine and to President Zelensky, and we will continue to support the country until a peace is achieved that respects its territorial integrity and its right to exist.
This week, as I said at the start of my speech, we have taken an important step, together with Moldova, towards its goal of achieving integration into the European Union. And, as is customary, I have personally conveyed to President Zelensky our full support on this path.
On the subject of the economy and the Multiannual Financial Framework, Spain's position is firm and clear: Europe will not be a geo-economic power unless we have the financial clout to be one, and we must therefore build that financial sovereignty. That means the digital euro. That also means strengthening the role of the euro on the international stage. Also within the framework of the trade agreements we are signing with third countries, as well as with regional blocs. This also means working to redress the imbalance in an international financial system that is clearly dominated by one economic power, to the detriment of Europe. Therefore, financial clout.
Lately, we frequently hear a diagnosis that I consider profoundly mistaken: some attribute our lack of competitiveness to environmental protection and to improving the working conditions of our employees. They are therefore telling us something we have been hearing for some time, even since the financial crisis and the neoliberal response that followed: that we must compete by dismantling social protections; that to be competitive we must cut labour costs and, consequently, rights; and, ultimately, that to be strong we must give up our European identity.
We take a different approach, and I believe the data also supports this alternative approach, which is the Spanish way. We do it based on principles, but also on facts.
As I mentioned earlier, we are one of the fastest-growing economies in the OECD. Just yesterday, the Bank of Spain set its economic growth forecast for this year at 2.3% of Gross Domestic Product.
In short, we have had 11 consecutive quarters, no less, of being the leading European economy in terms of growth among those major European economies. And I believe this is very significant.
We are achieving this through significant job creation: 22.5 million national insurance contributors, raising the national minimum wage, having also increased the average wage for workers over the last eight years, and making it possible to increase pension payments and boost the pension fund. In short, social progress alongside fiscal discipline.
And this brings me to the European budget, what is called here in Brussels the Multiannual Financial Framework, which needs to be much more ambitious than it currently is. We have defended this position. It is unreasonable to ask Europe to do more with fewer financial resources.
We can certainly improve efficiency. I'm sure there are things that need improving, but let's not kid ourselves. We need more of our own financial resources, and we also need to continue-and this is Spain's approach-issuing joint debt to finance European public goods. Security may be one such area, also defence, but there are many other policies, from climate leadership to digital leadership, that must be funded as they have been with Next Generation EU funds in the coming years.
Furthermore, there are references in both the Draghi and Letta reports which clearly point to a lack of European funding to tackle all these challenges. This is partly because Member States have very limited fiscal scope.
Fortunately, Spain's public deficit is closer to 2 per cent than to 2.5 per cent. We are reducing our public debt. We will end this parliamentary term with a figure below 100 per cent of Gross Domestic Product, but this is not the case in many other European countries. Therefore, it is clear that we must open the debate on more ambitious budgets, budgets with more resources for policies that are very characteristic of Europe: the Common Agricultural Policy, of course, and cohesion policy. But, without a doubt, everything to do with competitiveness, linked to digital transformation and the green transition.
Secondly, a genuine single market. And that is Spain's approach to removing internal barriers. Spain is spearheading what is known in EU jargon as 'Regime 28', precisely to streamline procedures and, therefore, harmonise.
In contrast to those who are advocating deregulation, we advocate the simplification and harmonisation of legislation in order to continue integrating the single market. This is what we learn, for example, from the report by another former Italian prime minister, Enrico Letta.
In other words, what we need to do is press ahead with this European integration, with this savings and investment union, so that the annual outflow of European savings-300 billion euros, according to the report by Enrico Letta, former Italian Prime Minister-doesn't finance the economic growth of others, such as the United States, but rather comes to Europe or stays there to finance European economic growth, as well as European industry and startups. This is Spain's vision for the present and the future.
And, finally, a Europe that is open to the world, that diversifies and expands. Trade agreements like those we have achieved with Mercosur, with Mexico and, more recently, with India. In short, the approach you are familiar with, which has also been the subject of some other appearances here in Brussels.
Finally, there is another issue that is also important for Spain - one that may not have been the subject of much debate within the Council, but which is nonetheless significant - and that is global health.
As you know, we have, after all, been through some very difficult health crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. There was also the hantavirus crisis, which we managed successfully in Spain, thanks in part to our coordination with Europe and the World Health Organisation. But, of course, we are also experiencing an Ebola crisis in Africa, and, naturally, we have emphasised the need to show solidarity and to strengthen that common agenda for health governance.
In short, in contrast to those who propose a much smaller Europe, one that streamlines many European policies, what we are advocating is a much stronger Europe if we truly want to be a country, or a continent, with significant weight on the international stage.
And I am now available to answer any questions from the media.
Q.- [Guillermo Pascual, Antena 3] How are you? Good afternoon, President. My name is Guillermo Pascual, from Antena 3. I have two questions.
The first question concerns the summit. I'd like to know about last night's incident, how the discussion with Giorgia Meloni and the Danish Prime Minister on migration policy went. Some sources tell us that there was a heated exchange, and that you were criticised for the regularisation of migrants. I'd like you to tell us a little about how it went.
And I have a second question: yesterday, in your remarks, when discussing the charges against Mr Zapatero, you told us that Spain in 2007 was very different from Spain today. I understand that's because you're assuming the jewellery might have been a present from 2007. So, my question is: Do you believe it was morally right to keep a gift like that, considering the value of the jewellery and the fact that it wasn't just a simple courtesy gift? Thank you.
President: Well, thank you very much, Guillermo, for your questions. I wouldn't call it an 'incident'; I'd call it a debate which I believe is necessary and which is taking place in all European capitals, as well as at European level.
We saw this two days ago in the European Parliament when a majority on the right, together with the far right, proposed these detention centres for the deportation of migrants from Europe to outside the European continent. This is an ongoing debate, and one in which Spain has, moreover, been clear and unequivocal from the outset.
We believe that this approach will not provide any solution, and that it is a completely ineffective response. It is a trompe l'oeil, if I may use that expression, which, first and foremost, will simply be a waste of financial resources. And Europe doesn't have many, as we mentioned earlier regarding the budget proposals.
And, secondly, because it sends a message - which, in my view, is misguided - to those countries of origin and transit, with whom we need to collaborate, cooperate and show empathy. Because those countries are also affected by irregular migration and therefore need that collaboration and cooperation from Europe, rather than being told that this is their problem and that we are simply washing our hands of it.
I believe that the immigration policy - and the figures back this up - which the Government of Spain has been implementing for the past eight years is based on five pillars. Firstly, a European perspective. It should be noted that the Pact on Migration and Asylum was signed during the Spanish Presidency of the European Union.
Two. Collaboration and cooperation with countries of origin and transit, as we are doing with Mauritania, Senegal, Morocco, Algeria… In short, with all the countries with which we share a border.
Three. Combating irregular migration. I want to remind you of the figures. A 35% year-on-year decrease in irregular migration flows, thanks to the commitment of the State law enforcement forces and agencies and also to the collaboration of countries of origin and transit. A 71% decrease when we talk about irregular migration arrivals to the Canary Islands. A 71% year-on-year decrease.
And, fourthly, everything to do with establishing legal mechanisms for the arrival of migrants in collaboration with social partners, because that's precisely what companies are asking us to do. It is important to remember that it is not only the Catholic Church that is supporting this regularisation process, but also the employers' organisation. In short, the social partners are aware that they need workers to fill vacancies in key roles. For example, I don't know, in the construction sector, specifically to build homes. And finally, integration.
And I'm clear on this. I am perfectly clear. There will be people - including leaders - who do not share this view, but those people who are already living in our country and contributing to its economic development deserve to have the same rights as any other citizen. And the fact is, incidentally, that there is a great deal of ignorance about the reality of migration in Spain, because the vast majority of people applying for regularisation and the recognition of their rights in our country are from Latin America.
This is what I explained yesterday regarding the proposal put forward by some of the leaders. We did it, after all, we are heads of government, prime ministers. Therefore, there's nothing really intense about it; rather, there's a proposal concerning one of the most important policies, one that affects our countries and the political debate on a daily basis, naturally.
We would therefore, of course, be delighted not only to talk and discuss the matter, but also to share Spain's success stories in the field of migration policy, because I believe we have a great deal to contribute. And if you have any questions, just speak to the Vatican.
And regarding the second question, let me say, look, I'm not endorsing anything. What I am saying is that in 2007 there was no legislation in place - as there is today - regarding gifts that may be offered to a President of the Government, as was the case with me, Mariano Rajoy, José María Aznar, Felipe González, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, and all the other Presidents of the Government in the history of our democracy. And, indeed, it was the President of the Government of Spain, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, who established that legal framework specifically to regulate and record such gifts.
Q.- [Carlos E. Cué, El País] Thank you. Yes, on the subject of immigration, I'd simply like to press the point of whether Spain is prepared to do anything to stop this, whether it is prepared to use its veto and take some action to put a stop to the deportation camps in some way.
And then - I don't know if you've been following it - but there's been a diplomatic row. During the summit, a diplomatic row broke out between Meloni and Trump. Trump told her he gave her a photo out of "pity." Meloni responded with a video recorded during the summit. We are now at the level of a diplomatic crisis.
You, who have some experience in confrontations with Trump, I don't know if you could… If you have spoken with Meloni, if you could advise her on something, now that there is a certain rapprochement. If you could give Meloni any advice.
And then, with respect to Zapatero, more generally: with the Cerdán case, you supported him until the police report, and then you stopped supporting him. With Ábalos, you stopped supporting him even before that. Why is it different this time? What would have to happen for you to stop supporting President Zapatero? What would you have to see?
And, as far as the jewellery is concerned, indeed, I don't know if it's contradictory that the very president who promoted that legislation to return the gifts is keeping the gifts himself. What I want to ask you is whether you think he should return them. Should he have returned them at the time, as Minister Sebastián did? And, above all, now, when we can talk about it, in 2026: do you think he should return that jewellery now? If you were Zapatero right now, would you return those jewels?
President.- Look, that's a question for President Zapatero to answer, not me. But, in any case, we must acknowledge that José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero was the one who approved that law, with a progressive parliamentary majority, led by the Socialist Party.
I can tell you about my experience, for what it's worth. In my experience, when you travel, you receive gifts that you don't realise you've been given until you get back to Madrid. So don't think that this is simply a matter of arriving in capital city X or capital city Y, being given a gift, and knowing exactly what it is you're being given. It doesn't work like that.
These exchanges of gifts do indeed take place within the framework of the legislation governing this type of gift; they are a symbol of respect for the institutions visited in that country and a symbol of brotherhood between those countries. And that is precisely what, fortunately, President Zapatero set in motion from 2008 onwards, through the Good Governance Act. And, indeed, there are records of those official gifts.
As for whether or not, well, I think I said it yesterday, and nothing has changed since then. I shall therefore repeat this: President Zapatero issued a statement in which he said three things: firstly, respect for the justice system and for the work of the courts. Secondly, confidence in his innocence. And thirdly, that he proclaimed his innocence.
And I, as President of the Government of Spain, but above all as Secretary-General of the PSOE, trust in his innocence, respect the justice system and, above all, uphold that constitutional right - which is so often trampled upon - to the presumption of innocence. And, from a personal point of view, I would, of course, like to express my sympathy for what I imagine must be a difficult situation he is experiencing at home as a result of the charges against his two daughters.
And finally, regarding the question of… Well, I think that regarding what we are going to do with these camps… I think we have already made our position clear. We voted against it. And, therefore, if a majority of countries agree to do it, we will be in the minority.
Incidentally, there have been rulings by the European Court of Justice addressing, precisely, the minimum standards required in terms of respect for human rights and the conditions that must be provided for migrants held in these centres.
I therefore believe that this debate is sometimes characterised by a view expressed in the press - a view that is perpetuated in public opinion by certain leaders - that these innovative solutions are ones that nobody has thought of before. Yes, they have all been considered, but many, like this one, are completely ineffective.
What's more, there is empirical evidence, data, and sufficient experience to demonstrate that if we want to control irregular migration flows, address the demographic winter facing Western societies, including Europe, and meet the challenge of prosperity rather than decline, there is a very clear roadmap that involves collaboration and cooperation with both transit and origin countries.
And cooperation and collaboration mean, once again, showing empathy and recognising that Morocco, Mauritania and Senegal are also facing irregular migration from the Sahel, a region that is suffering from instability, coups d'état, climate emergencies, humanitarian crises and economic crises.
And so Europe's message cannot simply be: 'You're on your own over there.' Rather, it must be to collaborate and cooperate with them.
Therefore, I believe that if we have to invest resources, it should be in this, not in things that are worthless. That is my opinion, and I am stating it clearly. And, well, there will be some people who find this annoying or unsettling, but anyway, that's what I believe, and I believe it wholeheartedly, because the facts are there to back it up.
We have reduced the flows of irregular migrants and, moreover, we have done so in a positive, constructive manner, in collaboration with all these countries of origin and transit. With respect, with respect, because these countries also demand that respect - as is only right and proper.
And, regarding Meloni, I want to say two things. Firstly, I would like to express my full solidarity. And secondly, I want to tell you that I not only expressed this publicly in response to her question, but also privately at the European Council itself. I conveyed my solidarity to her in the face of this attack, which is neither political nor personal. To be honest, I really don't know how to describe it.
Q. - [Luis Tovar, Telecinco] How are you, Mr President? Good afternoon. I am Luis Tovar, Informativos Telecinco.
I also have a question about the European debate of these past two days, especially regarding Ukraine, and yesterday's meeting with Zelensky at the Summit. I would like to know, given that there was also talk yesterday of these possible peace negotiations, who this European figure is who is to represent Europeans in any potential talks with Russia. We have learnt that people close to the president of the European Council, Antonio Costa, have been in contact with Russian civil servants this week.
I would like to know your position and that of the Government on what should be done about Russia. If, for example, you have confidence in Antonio Costa as someone who can represent European interests at the negotiating table. And whether now is the right time to talk to Russia, or not yet.
And a second question, this time on a national level, because listening to you yesterday raised a question for us.
President. -That's what happens when I answer hypothetical questions.
Q. - [Luis Tovar, Telecinco] I think you can guess where I'm going with this, but I'll ask the question again.
If you present the General State Budget this year and it fails, will you automatically call elections as the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) is asking you to? Thank you.
President.- That's what happens when I listen to you, really.
To answer the first question, what President Costa has done-and I want to clarify this, because I think it's important, a relevant distinction for you and also for your communication with the public through your media outlets-is open a diplomatic channel. He hasn't initiated any peace talks or peace negotiations, simply a diplomatic channel.
I think that's perfectly understandable. And, from the perspective of the Government of Spain, I would say it's necessary. Point one.
Point two. What is the Government of Spain's position on Europe and potential participation in these peace talks?
Firstly, we are not mediators, because we have in fact been supporting Ukraine for more than four years in its defence of its territorial integrity and its right to exist and not to be invaded, in this case by an aggressor like Putin's Russia.
Therefore, the role that Europe should ultimately play in these peace negotiations is not that of a mediator. Among other things, because, you see, just this past week, we initiated what's called Cluster 1 here, to begin negotiations on the expansion of Europe to include Ukraine and Moldova.
Therefore, in any case, when these talks take place, we are not mediators, we are participants, because we are not only talking about Ukraine, but also about the European security architecture.
Thirdly, in these potential peace agreements that may be reached-and hopefully sooner rather than later, because nobody wants war, at least not from Europe or Ukraine. The one who has wanted it is the one who invaded Ukraine, which is Putin's Russia-there are two areas: one institutional and the other related to security agreements and security guarantees.
Remember that we have discussed this at length when, for example, the coalition of the willing met in Paris or London, and the discussion centred on what security guarantees the States participating in this coalition of the willing would provide.
Therefore, from an institutional point of view, it makes perfect sense for it to be the president of the European Council. But from the perspective of security guarantees, the logical approach is for the governments to be involved, because they are the ones who will eventually have to provide those security guarantees for the peace agreement.
So, let's say there would be two paths where Europe wouldn't participate as a mediator, but rather as a representative of the member states, because we are concerned about our security architecture and, logically, also with a country that wants to belong to Europe and with which we have already begun the enlargement process, such as Moldova and Ukraine.
And, regarding your last question, which is about the budget, the assumptions, and so on. I'm going to put this very clearly, because we'll be presenting the budgets in 2026 and there will be elections in 2027.
And there will be no elections held in conjunction with the local and regional elections. And I can't tell you any more than that, because what I want is … but anyway, the situation is constantly changing, Carlos. But anyway, my ambition and my goal, as I've always said and made clear, is that parliamentary terms, even when the right wing isn't in power, should also last four years.
Well, thank you very much.
Have a safe journey home.
(Transcript edited by the State Secretariat for Communication)